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NEW QUESTION: 1
He was born a slave, but T. Thomas Fortune (18561928) went on to become a journalist, editor, and civil
rights activist, founding several early black newspapers and a civil rights organization that predated W. E.
B. DuBois' Niagara Movement (later the NAACP). Like many black leaders of his time, Fortune was torn
between the radical leanings of DuBois and the more conservative ideology of Booker T. Washington.
This 1884 essay, "The Negro and the Nation," dates from his more militant period.
The war of the Rebellion settled only one question: It forever settled the question of chattel slavery in this
country. It forever choked the life out of the infamy of the Constitutional right of one man to rob another, by
purchase of his person, or of his honest share of the produce of his own labor. But this was the only
question permanently and irrevocably settled. Nor was this the all-absorbing question involved. The right
of a state to secede from the so called Union remains where it was when the treasonable shot upon Fort
Sumter aroused the people to all the horrors of internecine war. And the measure of protection which the
national government owes the individual members of states, a right imposed upon it by the adoption of the
Fourteenth Amendment to the Constitution, remains still to be affirmed.
It was not sufficient that the federal government should expend its blood and treasure to unfetter the limbs
of four millions of people. There can be a slavery more odious, more galling, than mere chattel slavery. It
has been declared to be an act of charity to enforce ignorance upon the slave, since to inform his
intelligence would simply be to make his unnatural lot all the more unbearable. Instance the miserable
existence of ae sop, the great black moralist. But this is just what the manumission of the black people of
this country try has accomplished. They are more absolutely under the control of the Southern whites;
they are more systematically robbed of their labor; they are more poorly housed, clothed and fed, than
under the slave regime; and they enjoy, practically, less of the protection of the laws of the state or of the
federal government. When they appeal to the federal government they are told by the Supreme Court to
go to the state authorities --as if they would have appealed to the one had the other given them that
protection to which their sovereign citizenship entitles them!
Practically, there is no law in the United States which extends its protecting arm over the black man and
his rights. He is, like the Irishman in Ireland, an alien in his native land. There is no central or auxiliary
authority to which he can appeal for protection. Wherever he turns he finds the strong arm of constituted
authority powerless to protect him. The farmer and the merchant rob him with absolute immunity, and
irresponsible ruffians murder him without fear of punishment, undeterred by the law, or by public
opinion--which connives at, if it does not inspire, the deeds of lawless violence. Legislatures of states
have framed a code of laws which is more cruel and unjust than any enforced by a former slave state.
The right of franchise has been practically annulled in every one of the former slave states, in not one of
which, today, can a man vote, think, or act as he pleases. He must conform his views to the views of the
men who have usurped every function of government--who, at the point of the dagger, and with shotgun,
have made themselves masters in defiance of every law or precedent in our history as a government.
They have usurped government with the weapons of the cowards and assassins, and they maintain
themselves in power by the most approved practices of the most odious of tyrants. These men have shed
as much innocent blood as the bloody triumvirate of Rome. Today, red handed murderers and assassins
sit in the high places of power, and bask in the smiles of innocence and beauty.
Fortune uses the example of the Irishman to show that
A. some people have a native land; others have none
B. people may be treated more fairly in a monarchy than in a democracy
C. one can be treated as a foreigner in the land of one's birth
D. famine is not alien to people in the United States
E. one can be born to slavery but rise above it
Answer: C
Explanation:
Explanation/Reference:
No law protects the black man; he is, "like the Irishman in Ireland, analien in his native land"

NEW QUESTION: 2
Examine the structure proposed for the TRANSACTIONS table:

Which two statements are true regarding the storage of data in the above table structure? (Choose two.)
A. The TRANS_DATE column would allow storage of dates only in the dd-mon-yyyy format.
B. The TRANS_VALIDITY column would allow storage of a time interval in days, hours, minutes, and seconds.
C. The CUST_STATUS column would allow storage of data up to the maximum VARCHAR2 size of
4,000 characters.
D. The CUST_CREDIT_VALUE column would allow storage of positive and negative integers.
Answer: B,D

NEW QUESTION: 3
回避策はいつ作成する必要がありますか？
A. 潜在的な恒久的な解決策が特定されたとき
B. 問題を迅速に解決できない場合
C. インシデントがログに記録されたら、できるだけ早く
D. 問題の解決後
Answer: B

NEW QUESTION: 4
DRAG DROP


Answer:
Explanation: